‘Marginalisation Of English Is No Small Matter’

medium120459603Tamil Nadu govt’s refusal to adopt the three-language formula and implement the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 is neither an inward-looking fixation nor an act of defiance for its own sake. Instead, it is a deliberate stance against RSS’s broader ideological agenda that persistently seeks to reinforce social hegemony and hierarchy. NEP 2020 – reportedly drafted by at least 15 RSS-affiliated individuals – carries an ideological flavour. It aims to confine Indian students within the caste-based occupation framework, implying that only certain groups are entitled to higher professions, while others must remain under a subordinate status in the name of ‘cultural tradition’ as propounded by the varna system. In sharp contrast, Dravidian ideology strives to empower every student with globally competitive skills across all fields.Union govt’s withholding of Samagra Shiksha funds from TN highlights the use of financial pressure to coerce states into accepting NEP 2020. CM Stalin’s appeals reveal the gravity of this standoff: Centre appears willing to jeopardise the wellbeing of over 40L school children in TN to enforce compliance.BJP’s claim that NEP 2020’s three-language policy doesn’t impose Hindi is misleading. The original draft mandated Hindi until nationwide dissent forced a partial retreat, echoing RSS’s vision of “one nation, one language”. While the policy ostensibly promotes linguistic diversity, given RSS chief’s open opposition to English, coupled with Centre’s silence on English in these debates. This indicates broader efforts to sideline English in governance and education.The Union education minister’s suggestion — students learn their mother tongue, a foreign language, and another Indian language — may seem neutral at first glance. However, as Hindi increasingly replaces English in governmental functions, students from non-Hindi-speaking regions face substantial hurdles. Union home minister’s admission that 70% of Cabinet documents are now in Hindi underscores this shift. A Tamil Nadu student studying Tamil, English, and Telugu under NEP 2020 may appear unaffected initially. Yet as English loses ground in national employment and higher education, they are forced to adopt Hindi simply to stay competitive. With govt examinations and bureaucratic processes increasingly proposed in Hindi, the three-language policy functions as an instrument of Hindi imposition; combined with the systematic marginalisation of English, it quietly reinforces Hindi dominance.This marginalisation of English is no small matter. While BJP trumpets the three-language policy, it remains silent on the fact that fewer than 10% of Indians — mostly from relatively privileged backgrounds — are proficient in English. Mastery of English, crucial for global competition and socio-economic advancement, is not given parity in the policy discussions. If the policy genuinely advocated three languages on equal footing, all three would be emphasised. However, the BJP and RSS have persistently overlooked English, focusing solely on the ‘third Indian language’. This approach effectively ensures that only certain groups retain access to global opportunities, while the rest remain confined to lesser prospects.Since the 1960s, Tamil Nadu has thrived under its two-language policy — Tamil and English — safeguarding cultural identity while ensuring global competence in alignment with fast growing countries like China, South Korea, Japan in line with developed countries like the US and Europe. Stalin, steeped in the legacy of Anna’s 1960s protests against Hindi imposition and their continuation by Karunanidhi, understands this as more than mere language policy; it is cultural domination wrapped in linguistic packaging. Shah’s push for Hindi in officialdom, coupled with flawed Hindi-centric NEET translations that disadvantage non-Hindi speakers — especially the rural poor — further tilts the scales.Meanwhile, NEP 2020’s early vocational tracking threatens to confine children from marginalised communities to caste-bound trades, denying them broader horizons. The lack of English proficiency only heightens this risk, leaving them isolated from higher-paying jobs in an increasingly globalised and innovation-driven marketplace. For Tamil Nadu, which has successfully uplifted its citizens through education, such proposals run counter to the Dravidian model of inclusive growth.NEP 2020 may promise flexibility, vocational training, and local-language instruction, but the reality is more disquieting. By steering students prematurely toward “traditional” vocations in a highly stratified society, it perpetuates hereditary caste roles. Parents from disadvantaged backgrounds, already pressed for resources, may push children into short-term, low-paying skill tracks instead of sustained schooling. Coupled with minimal English exposure, these children face a life locked into the same socio-economic rung as their ancestors. Historically, the absence of English proficiency has curtailed upward mobility among marginalised communities, closing off paths to science, innovation, and international opportunities.In contrast, Tamil Nadu’s policies — rooted in Dravidian principles — provide free breakfast and midday meals, a no-detention policy until Class 8, financial incentives for higher education, and proactive measures to send teachers and students for foreign exposure, thus widening horizons and bolstering global competitiveness. With a two-language model of Tamil and English, the state has produced a raft of CEOs, scientists, and innovators. Its Gross Enrolment Ratio in higher education approached 50% by 2020, surpassing NEP 2020’s 2035 targets. Why should such a successful framework bow to a policy that offers less?Rather than advocating early vocational streaming, Tamil Nadu focuses on bridging the gap for first-generation learners, equipping them with the academic and linguistic prowess needed for white-collar careers, scientific inquiry, or entrepreneurship.Many non-Hindi-speaking states are alarmed by central policies that sideline English and impose Hindi in its stead. In the 2011 census, for instance, over 50 languages (including Bhojpuri, Rajasthani, and Chhattisgarhi) were officially clubbed under ‘Hindi’, highlighting a broader homogenising trend that erodes linguistic diversity and fosters cultural chauvinism.Centre’s push to introduce engineering and medical courses in “regional languages,” piloted in some Hindi-speaking states, has already shown its limitations. According to AICTE, only 255 students across 19 colleges opted for these courses in 2021-22 — an insignificant enrolment. Research collaboration, scholarly publications, and cutting-edge technology continue to rely predominantly on English, leaving students in regional-language programmes at a professional disadvantage unless they learn English by themselves. Tamil Nadu’s two-language system spares its young people from these pitfalls. By balancing Tamil and English, students retain their cultural roots while accessing global opportunities and socio-economic advancement.All of this underscores a single, urgent reality: Tamil Nadu’s refusal to adopt NEP 2020 is fundamentally about safeguarding social mobility and diversity, not a simplistic tug-of-war over language. Centre withholding or delaying Samagra Shiksha funds expose a coercive streak in Centre’s strategy. When more than ₹2,000 crore meant to upgrade schools and pay teachers is held hostage to force acceptance of a policy that can undermine equitable education, one must ask: Who actually benefits from NEP 2020? It is certainly not the marginalised families relying on broad-based English literacy for their children’s dreams. It is not the states that have successfully tailored their own bilingual policies. And it is not those who see India’s astounding linguistic plurality as a strategic asset rather than a stumbling block.Often derided as a perennial disruptor in “language politics”, Tamil Nadu stands in fact as a sentinel of federal principles and inclusivity in education. The Centre’s push to homogenise language use and dictate how individual states educate their children stands at odds with India’s constitutional ethos. Tamil Nadu has made its choice clear: the state refuses to relinquish its hard-earned educational gains, linguistic identity, and social aspirations to satisfy central edicts. By unmasking the covert mechanisms of NEP 2020, Tamil Nadu calls upon the rest of the nation to consider the far-reaching consequences of surrendering local autonomy in education to an agenda that remains both alarmingly opaque and unapologetically coercive.